Op-ed views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author.
Before last Sunday’s Super Bowl, a certain corner of the activist world was buzzing over whether Bad Bunny might use the spotlight to take a swing at the Jones Act. Some commentators spoke as if a halftime soundbite could settle a policy debate that has been going on for generations. You could almost picture the prewritten think pieces waiting for a viral clip that would pin Puerto Rico’s economic frustrations on one convenient federal law.
It never happened.
What remained instead in the aftermath were the issues that actually shape daily life on the island: fragile infrastructure, an aging power grid, and the long-running struggles of the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority. Those topics may not trend as easily on social media, but they sit much closer to Puerto Rico’s economic reality than any shipping statute.
Yet the Jones Act remains a favorite target. For critics, it is an easy villain. The fundamentally flawed argument sounds neat and simple: require US-flagged, US-built, US-crewed ships for domestic trade and prices must rise. But Puerto Rico’s economic challenges are not the result of a single law. They are the result of structural weaknesses layered over time, and pretending otherwise might be politically useful but it is economically shallow.
The Jones Act, at its core, is a cabotage law. It ensures that domestic maritime trade is handled by American vessels and crews. That framework supports a domestic maritime industry that both Puerto Rico and the mainland United States can rely on for national security, disaster response, and supply chain stability. For an island that depends on ships for essentials like food and fuel, having a dependable domestic shipping network is not some abstract benefit. It is practical insurance. When hurricanes hit or global logistics snarl, reliability matters more than theory.
Serious economic analysis backs up the idea that the Jones Act is not the price driver some claim. A comprehensive study by EY found that the law’s impact on Puerto Rico’s consumer prices is modest compared to bigger forces like energy costs, infrastructure inefficiencies, and public-sector debt burdens. Repeal advocates often imply that removing the law would dramatically lower prices. That is a comforting narrative, but it glosses over how global shipping markets actually work. Foreign vessels do not operate at a discount out of goodwill, and international freight rates are volatile by nature.
Where Puerto Rico truly faces headwinds is infrastructure and governance. Outside investors do not make decisions based on a shipping law. They ask basic questions. Does the power stay on? Are ports and roads reliable? Are permits predictable? Are public institutions transparent? If those answers are shaky, capital looks elsewhere.
PREPA’s long-documented struggles have done real reputational damage. Unreliable electricity is not a minor inconvenience for businesses; it is a deal breaker. Manufacturers cannot risk equipment damage from voltage swings. Large facilities cannot afford prolonged outages. Firms that must invest millions upfront want confidence that core utilities will function. When that confidence is missing, they choose other jurisdictions.
Add to that the persistent concerns about political corruption or mismanagement, and the picture becomes clearer. Even the perception of corruption can chill investment. Investors can price in higher costs. What they cannot easily price in is a system where rules feel uncertain or enforcement feels inconsistent. If Puerto Rico wants more outside investment, the infrastructure must be tight and governance must be trusted. Those are prerequisites for growth anywhere in the world.
None of this is an attack on Puerto Rico. It is a recognition that the island competes globally for capital. Many places advertise stable infrastructure, regulatory clarity, and institutional transparency. Puerto Rico has enormous strengths, from its workforce to its strategic location, but unlocking its full potential requires focusing on these fundamentals.
Blaming the Jones Act for problems rooted in infrastructure and governance risks letting the real issues off the hook. It is easier to point outward than to do the slower, harder work of reform. But reform is what attracts durable investment and long-term job creation.
Some libertarian-leaning critics, including voices from the Cato Institute, have produced viral, tongue-in-cheek content portraying the Jones Act as the root of Puerto Rico’s woes. These arguments oversimplify a complex system. Maritime analyst Sal Mercogliano and others who study shipping closely have repeatedly explained that vessel supply, fuel prices, port efficiency, insurance, and global trade dynamics all shape costs. Those realities do not disappear if one law changes.
As an American of Puerto Rican descent, I want the island to succeed economically, not just culturally. That means being honest about what holds it back and clear-eyed about what actually helps. The Jones Act is not a cure-all, but it provides structure and reliability within the broader U.S. economic and security framework.
Puerto Rico’s prosperity will ultimately be built on reliable infrastructure, clean governance, and investor confidence. Fixing the grid, modernizing systems, and strengthening institutional trust will do more to raise living standards than chasing a shipping-law scapegoat.
Cheap shots at the Jones Act can trend for a day. Stable power and trustworthy institutions generate growth for decades.
Puerto Rico deserves a serious, solutions-focused conversation about its future. The island’s people are resilient, creative, and entrepreneurial. With dependable infrastructure and accountable governance, they can create a stable foundation and real economic growth for generations to come.
Julio Rivera is a business and political strategist and a political commentator and columnist. His writing, which is focused on politics and business, is regularly published by many of the largest news organizations in the world.
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