“War crime!” say Dems, history says NO!

Op-ed views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author.

“War Crime,” the Democrats shout as dope dealing merchants of death are blown out of the water thanks to the Trump administration. How you can have a war crime when you are not fighting a legitimate state, but a criminal enterprise, is beyond reason. The infection that is causing Democrats to defend drug runners has yet to be discovered.

Not to be outdone, the establishment right’s Andrew McCarthy at National Review has jumped on the “war crime” bandwagon. “If there is no armed conflict (i.e., no war or state of hostilities short of war, no military attacks or threat of military attacks),” says Mr. McCarthy, “then the president has no authority to use lethal force against suspected terrorists.”

Mr. McCarthy is a bit short on history. Using military force except in an armed conflict with another nation was and is not unconstitutional. There is a long history of US military and naval forces engaging terrorism on a worldwide scale without a declaration of war or congressional endorsement.

In 1793, cutters of the Revenue Marine Service (ancestor of the Coast Guard) were battling Caribbean pirates, i.e., terrorists who menaced sea lanes and coastal settlements.

In 1822, the US Navy was fighting pirates—terrorists– in the Caribbean, on the high seas, and rooting out their nests. It was not bloodless, and there were no Miranda Rights.

In 1832, under President Jackson’s directive, Captain John Downes, commanding sloop-of-war Peacock, landed 282 sailors and marines to punish Sumatran pirates who had attacked and murdered Americans. Downes’ crew killed several pirates and burned their town.

In 1839, the Navy was again in action against Sumatran pirates.

In 1842, in accord with the constitutional prohibition of importing slaves now in effect, the Navy formed the Africa Squadron to intercept slavers. The squadron’s sloops of war were prepared for action. Under Commodore Perry, the Navy also acted to protect newly created Liberia from hostile local tribes.

In 1915, President Woodrow Wilson ordered US Marines into Haiti to protect American interests at a time of instability and what could be viewed as terrorism. The USMC effectively governed the place until withdrawn by President Roosevelt in 1934.

In 1916, Wilson mobilized the National Guard to join the regular Army on the Mexican border after Pancho Villa attacked and killed Americans in Columbus, New Mexico, a clear act of terrorism. The Army crossed into Mexico in hot pursuit. Villa was never caught, but a young George Patton killed three of the terrorists.

During Prohibition, the Coast Guard engaged rum runners with machine guns and cannon on the high seas. Although part of the Treasury Department, Coast Guardsmen wore naval uniforms, and their cutters, depending on class, could be seen as warships, as in wartime, the Coast Guard falls under the Navy.

In more recent times, President Obama ordered drone attacks on terrorist lairs thousands of miles away. Were they an immediate threat to the continental US? How is Trump any different in his actions against the cartels?

President Trump and Secretary Hegseth are following two hundred years of precedent in preemptively removing threats to Americans. To think that the drug cartels are not a direct threat is a fantasy. Obama’s White House recognized the cartel menace in a 2011 White House fact sheet: “In FY 2010, 29 of the 63 top drug trafficking organizations identified by the Department of Justice had links to terrorist organizations.” Contrary to present assertions, even Obama knew crime and terrorism were linked. In 1989, so did Sen. Joe Biden: Let’s go after the drug lords where they live with an international strike force. There must be no safe-haven for these narco-terrorists, and they must know it.” Trump is carrying out what Biden proposed; what could be wrong with that?

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William Layer

Lt. Colonel Civil Affairs, USAR (ret) served twenty-six years in the regular and reserve components of the US Army. He was civil military liaison for the 260th Military Police, DC National Guard, State Public Affairs Officer, Commander of the Public Affairs unit and a counter-drug intelligence analyst. Transferring to the 352 Civil Affairs Command as monuments and archives officer, he became the Command Public Affairs Officer in Iraq as well as liaison to local Iraqi leaders and acting Secretary to the General Staff. He was instrumental in recovering photographic artifacts of the Iraqi Royal family while in Baghdad. He was wounded in action in an ambush in Feb. 2004 for which he was awarded the Purple Heart.
In his civilian career he worked primarily in Army Public Affairs and for the Air Force as historian to the presidential wing in the early Reagan administration and later for Air Force Legislative Liaison covering congressional hearings and assisting in preparing testimony for senior leaders.
His essays and reviews have appeared in the scholarly and popular press including Asian Affairs and the Washington Times. He is co-author, with Ali Wahab, of The Iraqi Royal Family, a Collection of Photographs Recovered from The Ruins of the Zuhur Palace, 2004.
A native New Yorker, he holds a BA with honors in history from Findlay College (Ohio) and an MA in history from The Ohio State University. He is a graduate of the US Army Command & General Staff College and was graduated with distinction US Naval War College with a MA in National Security and Strategic Studies.