Back in February, President Donald made the Constitution Pipeline a symbol of his “drill, baby, drill” agenda, which is fast morphing into more of a “build, baby, build” ethos focused on renewal and expansion of energy-related infrastructure. Trump vowed to complete the project, operated by the Williams Cos., saying it could slash Northeast energy prices by up to 70%.
Is that hyperbole? Maybe. But with electricity rates in New York and Connecticut among the nation’s highest—think 20-25 cents per kilowatt-hour compared to Texas’s 12-14 cents—the promise of cheaper gas produced just 150 miles away displacing LNG imported from places like Qatar and Russia must be music to New England voters’ ears.
Energy Secretary Chris Wright echoed Trump’s comments in March, telling Fox Business that construction could start by year’s end. The administration’s tools? Executive orders declaring an “energy emergency” and a new White House council to fast-track infrastructure projects.
Some background: The Constitution Pipeline is designed to carry up to 650 million cubic feet of natural gas per day from the Marcellus Shale to a hub near Albany, New York. From there, it would feed smaller pipelines serving New England, a region starved for affordable energy despite sitting next to one of America’s richest gas fields.
The project was greenlit by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) in 2014 but hit a brick wall when New York’s Department of Environmental Conservation, under then-Gov. Andrew Cuomo blocked it, citing vague environmental concerns. Critics, including yours truly, saw this as a textbook case of green dogma trumping common sense, since Cuomo’s action would leave New Yorkers burning higher-emission fuel oil and imported LNG while nearby-produced American shale gas served other markets governed by more sensible regulators and political leaders.
But elections still matter in America, and the political calculus has shifted. For one, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, is showing surprising openness. Facing pressure from constituents fed up with crushing utility bills, Hochul met Trump at the White House in March to discuss the pipeline, alongside other issues like Penn Station’s redevelopment. There is new optimism that Hochul’s willingness to negotiate suggests a pragmatic streak—some analysts even speculate Trump might sweeten the deal by easing off his offshore wind permitting pause. Connecticut’s Gov. Ned Lamont, another blue-state Democrat, has also met with Trump officials, potentially signaling a regional thaw.
Williams Cos. signaled it is on board in March, issuing a statement welcoming Trump’s support and expressing interest in reviving the project “under the right circumstances.” Translation: they want customer demand, gubernatorial backing, and—crucially—protection from the permitting quagmires and lawsuits that killed it last time. Williams is eyeing bipartisan permitting reform in Congress to smooth the path, a rare issue where Republicans and some Democrats might align.
Of course, it is still way too early for any stakeholders to pop the champagne just yet. Environmental groups like the Sierra Club and Riverkeeper – the same ones who’ve led the opposition for years- will no doubt gear up for war. They’ll lean on the Clean Water Act, the same tool used to block the project in 2020, and likely flood courts with lawsuits.
Then there’s the economic question: Is the pipeline still viable? To move forward, Williams will need firm commitments from utilities and other gas buyers to make the project a go. With some Northeast utilities pivoting to renewables, securing those contracts isn’t a slam dunk. Still, the region’s energy crunch – exacerbated by retiring coal plants and underperforming wind and solar – makes the promise of cheap Marcellus shale gas to provide reliable, 24/7 electricity a tempting fix. The lingering cost impacts left behind by 4 years of Biden inflation also won’t help the project’s economics.
The Constitution Pipeline is closer to reality than it’s been in a decade, buoyed by political will, economic pain, and a potentially less hostile reception in Albany. Construction by late 2025 is plausible if Trump’s fast-track council delivers and Hochul can maintain some spine in the face of the green lobby, which provides so much funding to her and other Democrat campaigns in the state.
This is far from a done deal, but no one can deny its political equation has massively improved.
David Blackmon is an energy writer and consultant based in Texas. He spent 40 years in the oil and gas business, where he specialized in public policy and communications.
The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Daily Caller News Foundation.
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